Senate Republicans left Washington this week to sell President Donald Trump’s ‘big, beautiful bill,’ but the road to creating and passing the legislation began just over a year and a half ago.
Trump’s $3.3 trillion megabill, crammed with his legislative priorities on border security, defense and energy, was a product months in the making. And it was the marquee policy in the bill, which was to extend or make permanent many of the 2017 Tax Cuts and Jobs Act, that was the driving force behind Republicans’ desire to pass it.
But Senate Republicans have had little time to rest on their laurels and celebrate the bill’s passage, spending the month since Trump signed it advancing a $9 billion clawback package and trying to ram through Senate Democrats’ blockade of the president’s nominees.
The journey to pass the bill began well before Republicans had a trifecta in Washington in early 2024, when then-Senate Republican Conference Chair John Barrasso, R-Wyo., hosted a policy retreat with Senate Republicans to hash out what the GOP’s agenda could look like should the win out in November.
And months later, Trump visited with Senate Republicans to discuss the strategy they had been working on behind-the-scenes.
‘With President Trump in the White House, we discussed how Republicans will get America back on track,’ Barrasso said at the time. ‘That starts with helping families escape the pain of Democrat high prices, unleashing American energy, stopping Democrat tax increases, and securing the Southern Border. Republicans are united.’
The real, nitty-gritty work began in January where concepts were taken and fleshed out into legislation.
Senate Majority Leader John Thune, R-S.D., opted to leapfrog the House and move forward with the Senate’s own budget framework, which initially divided the ‘big, beautiful bill’ into two chunks. That added pressure on Republicans in the lower chamber to coalesce behind a plan of their own.
For much of the earlier part of this year, however, the Senate was waiting on the House to fine-tune and pass their own version of the bill. Still, Thune and his leadership team, including Sen. Markwayne Mullin, R-Okla., worked to get a product from one side of the building to the other that the Senate GOP could work with.
And when the bill made its way to the upper chamber in early June, the pressure was on to deliver a finished product to Trump by July 4, an artificial deadline used to help corral lawmakers into finishing work on the bill.
One of the major disagreements in the upper chamber before the bill ever hit the floor was over the nature of cuts to Medicaid, particularly aimed at the provider tax rate. The issue was eventually smoothed over through the creation of a $50 billion rural hospital fund, but lawmakers who sounded the alarm against it vowed to ensure that the changes to the provider would never take effect.
‘I think it was a huge mistake,’ Sen. Josh Hawley, R-Mo., said at the time. ‘I think this has been an unhappy episode here in Congress, this effort to cut Medicaid.’
‘And I think, frankly, my party needs to do some soul-searching,’ he continued. ‘If you want to be a working class party, you’ve got to get delivered for working class people. You cannot take away health care from working people.’
And when the bill did finally hit the floor for what would evolve into a multi-day affair of passing through procedural hurdles, Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer, D-N.Y., forcing the reading of the entire bill and a marathon vote-a-rama, Senate Republicans were still not entirely on board.
At first, a cohort of fiscal hawks led by Sen. Ron Johnson, R-Wis., and Sen. Rick Scott, R-Fla., appeared to not support the package — they wanted even deeper cuts to Medicaid by tweaking the percentage that the federal government pays for healthcare in states that opted into Obamacare, which they argued would have saved billions extra.
They were offered an amendment that eventually never came to the floor, but was enough for them to back down from tanking the bill. And their resistance began in the first of a handful of huddles inside Thune’s office outside the Senate floor.
Sen. Cynthia Lummis, R-Wyo., joined them for the closed-door conversations, and told Fox News Digital that while her vote was not contingent on getting the change added, she wanted to make the case for why it should be.
‘It saved a lot of money,’ she said. ‘It saved a lot of money, and so I was anxious to see us use the opportunity, since we were able to open up mandatory spending, use the opportunity to really save some money.’
And later on, in the wee hours of the night, Republicans were bouncing from Thune’s office to the Senate floor, hashing out deals as they went to get Sen. Lisa Murkowski, R-Alaska, to support the bill, knowing that Sens. Susan Collins, R-Maine, and Thom Tillis, R-N.C., could vote against it.
‘Sometimes it’s got to be put on a clock, because at some point the argument has to come to an end,’ Mullin told Fox News Digital. ‘And that’s why we had to do some of it on the floor. We had to, we had to force the hand.’
And in the end, only three Republicans, Sens. Rand Paul of Kentucky, Collins and Tillis voted against the bill. From there it went to the House, where Republicans in the lower chamber had their own dramatic rally to pass the legislative behemoth.
And now, as Republicans scatter to their home states to sell the bill to their constituents, Tillis said that the ‘foundational’ piece of information that lawmakers can share is that they averted a nationwide tax hike.
‘The shame of the Medicaid provision is that the vast majority of the bill is supported,’ he told Fox News Digital. ‘I think we have to remind them the problem with the tax bill is they’re not going to see a cut, but if we hadn’t done it, they would have seen a historic increase.’
‘So we need to remind them of what we’re doing is continuing what we started, and the economy that we created, it was able to withstand COVID,’ he continued. ‘And I firmly believe if we hadn’t passed it. We’d have been in a different posture.’
